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“So you have decided to keep humiliating us in front of people,” he said with a roaring voice.

His beloved Baba had slapped Zahid on wearing red lipstick again.

“You are a boy, a man! The only waris (successor) of our hundreds of acres of land. I will beat you black and blue if I ever find you doing anything girly again.”

Zahid had tightly clenched a broken red lipstick in his hands. Baba was continuously lecturing him about masculinity but surprisingly, all this scolding was appearing so rhythmical to him. Baba was admonishing him but he was dancing in his mind, wrapping red dupatta and responding to the beats of the tabla. Zahid had recently turned 17, the age when his fellows were thinking to either appear in the Inter Services Selection Board (ISSB) exam or get enrolled in tuition academies to help secure better grades in intermediate exams. His condition was different from all the other boys of his class. Secretly wearing his sisters’ clothes in the washroom and applying makeup on his face, were chores which used to consume most of his time.

It’s the wedding of Chaudhry sahib’s only son who is Zahid’s next door neighbour. The whole street has been laminated with dazzling lights. Most of the people are waiting for the savoury food to be served, but Zahid is anxiously waiting for the shemale Sheela to come. Majority of the houses in Zahid’s streets were at least three-decades-old and when it came to any celebration, be it the aqeeqa or mehndi of someone, Sheela’s performance was considered as an understood part of the parcel.

The wedding ceremony has ended. Helpers of the contractor are busy wrapping up the marque and uninstalling all the supporting poles. One person is searching for missing plates and another assistant is running here and there to collect all the glasses. Sheela is done with the counting of currency notes showered on her during her dance performance. She is packing up her bag and is leaving the venue with her tablanawaz (tabla player). Chatting with the tablanawaz gleefully about the event, Sheela is happy about the sum of money collected from her performance. Her ghungroo are breaking the pin drop silence of the streets as she is strolling through them. Suddenly, she senses as if someone was following her.

“Aah Zahid! My poor boy, it’s you.” “I beg you to please take me with you.” “Please go away my child. Do not get fascinated by this mask of happiness on our faces.”

With this, Sheela wiped off her red lipstick and rubbed her glittery eyes. She was indeed looking ugly with her multi-tone skin and smudged makeup afterward.

“But I don’t belong to these people. My body does not belong here. I feel like a female soul caged in a male body.”

Sheela turned her face to the other side and controlled her tears from falling at the last millisecond, as she knew what it meant.

“Don’t leave me, please. I want to go with you. I am you. I am like you. I am one of you. Don’t let my feminine soul die in agony amongst these barbarians,” Zahid kept pleading, unaware of consequences.

Zahid has been missing from home since last night.

It’s a dirty patient bed of some small clinic in the interior city. A small yellow bulb is hanging over the bed with a worn-out electric chord. Zahid’s mind is messed up with the recollections of sounds of ghungroo and his father’s roaring voice but the pain of newly implanted silicone to give his bosom a feminine look is dominating every other thought. 'Am I dying? Is this the result of anesthesia? But I was never given any anesthesia. I guess it’s the pain which is making me fade out'; hundreds of questions were wandering in his mind. 'Seems like my feminine soul has finally been awarded a woman’s body'. The curves on his chest covered with the stinking bed sheet were making him think that. He called for Sheela. He would have been relieved that he has finally achieved his purpose in life if he had not touched his legs the very next moment. Coarse voice, hairy arms, and all other signs of manhood were slapping his face. The sound of slapping was getting mixed with the sound of Baba's slapping. With every inch of his body throbbing with pain, Zahid had been handed two tablets to be taken in case of extreme pain with reassurance that it will eventually go away in a few weeks. Sheela was patting on Zahid’s back with mixed expressions in her eyes as if she wanted to say, “Boy! I had warned you a gazillion times to go back”.

Everything in Zahid’s life turned upside down in one night. Name, identity, sexual orientation, social class, profession, relationships and above all, the purpose of life. Zahid, is now known as Bubbly among his newly adopted transgender family. Just one decision has thrown him out of his cozy bed to live with these stranded souls in a one-room decayed quarter. Getting made fun of, humiliated and earning bread with the movements of hips and artificial hair has now become his destiny like other transgenders.

Though the recent census of 2017 revealed that the total population of transgender people in the county is 10,418 (that is 0.005% of the population), however, authorities believe that the number is under-reported. No matter what Supreme Court does - grants them right to vote or paves way for them to get an identity card - the mindsets of the remaining 200 million cannot be changed, as that magical wand does not exist in reality. Tall claims of rights-based approach get dumped every night in Indus, when a transgender performs for hours and hours at a wedding and yet stays underpaid, is molested and even beaten. We love our pets to an extent that even their seasonal sneezing makes us rush to the vets. We protest abuse of donkeys and dog poisoning. But we can’t give an iota of respect to the transgender community as they earn their living through means that are unethical to us? Even if we don’t agree with their profession, the least we can do is consider them human beings. Living, breathing human beings. Human beings that have emotions, just like us. Human beings who cry, feel pain and get hurt like us. Or have we forgotten how to empathise in this society? After all,' jo mein hun, woh tum bhi ho (what I am, you are too)'.

In the wake of the 2018 General Elections, parties from the opposition have raised a hue and cry over alleged electoral irregularities, which is not very uncommon in Pakistan. For decades, elections have been marred by rigging allegations, which are then merely used as rhetoric for political sloganeering. And hereby, the same manner was witnessed following these elections and its results. Rewinding a few months before the elections, political parties were complaining of favouritism for a single party. Fast forwarding to a few weeks before the polling day, it was observed by several onlookers that in fact, the colours being draped across the streets of Pakistan were being handpicked and chosen as per instructions. So much so that the wave of electoral politics crashed towards the openings of a certain party, and in doing so, paved way for the alleged pre-poll rigging. This was certainly not aided by the fact that postal ballots were found to be misused in Sindh, while a heap of computerised national identity cards (CNICs) were recovered from Lahore just a few days prior to the polling date. Furthermore, a security lapse of account of the transgender community was highlighted, who fielded candidates for the first time. This was met by a rather embarrassing admission of harassment, abuse and mistreatment on polling day. The judicial verdicts leading up to the elections were yet another suspicious endeavour as Pakistan geared up for a highly regarded historic occasion. It is a widely known fact that politics in Pakistan is run by two major factors, namely money and electables; so much so that even Imran Khan finally admitted to this political need. And by surrendering to the need of the hour, he was able to muster enough seats to form what will be the Government of Pakistan in a few weeks. However, certain questionable factors took place during and after polling that led to the tainting of what was being considered one of the fairest elections in Pakistan’s history. Firstly, the 8300 helpline for the identification and verification of polling was not just overcrowded to a degree of collapse, but also proved to be inaccurate. Polling codes were miscalculated and there was a frenzy as frantic voters pleaded for assistance. This was further aggravated by the voters not having been explicitly informed that phones were prohibited inside the polling stations, begging the question: why? After all, apart from the obvious task of capturing suspicious activities, phones also held crucial information to help voters, such as in obtaining the processed code to swiftly identify rooms and booths. Furthermore, political parties also accused the security personnel of enforcing their control over polling agents, and suspiciously kicking them out after 6:00pm, when poll counting was to be initiated. To make matters worse, election officers failed to hand over the prescribed Form 45, and foolishly signed onto white pieces of paper for final results. This was followed by massive delays that led to an inconsistent overall count. The RTS (Result Transmission System) broke down under the immense data pressure, and the Secretary Election Commission stuttered into the limelight, apologising frantically. What was most shocking, however, was the fact that election results kept rolling in but could not be completed within the timeframe allotted by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), which allowed for serious reservations. What was envisioned to be a swift, smooth digital process became a tangled web of misinformation. In the multi-party conference (MPC) convened by the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), there was unanimous agreement to reject the election results, but consensus was not reached on whether all participants would refuse to take oath. There was a clear divide, as some wanted to accelerate through an agitation, while others preferred entering the corridors of power. The Pakistan People Party (PPP) categorically rejected the MPC, and announced going their separate way. The fact that Pakistan lies at the brink of despair due to the pressing issues scathing the economy, law and social sectors, there is little room for such collision. The opposition is still fired up after a humiliating defeat of key political leaders, and are hell bent on a tirade of electoral irregularities which they conveniently refused to consider five years ago. But the tables are turning, and the victorious party is ready to lead from the front. In a statement issued by the prime minister in waiting, the matter was laid to rest on account of the proposal to conduct an upscale, thorough and impartial investigation into the specified constituencies, as per the demand. However, there is little evidence to suggest whether these findings will be honoured or not, or whether this line of action will even be entertained. It is up to political parties to adopt mature and responsible attire – albeit a façade – in cognisance of the various challenges Pakistan is set to face with immediate effect. The democratic process in Pakistan is far from the state of perfection. But to inch closer to the dream, the electoral process needs to be amended, improved and innovated. Digitising the process is key, but must be done well ahead of time to save the ECP the embarrassment it faced this time. The political parties need to huddle together, along with the ECP, to bring about adequate reforms so that no man or woman has the audacity to question the authenticity of the polls. If the fundamentals of the process are strong, the pillars and structure will eventually gain necessary power. A neutral monitoring and administrative authority is a must in this regard. For democracy to gain deep footings into an infertile hegemony, it is necessary for the institutions to be made autonomous and independent of any influence; be it from politicians, judges, generals or bureaucrats. If we fail to do so, there is no saying what the public will respond with. To aspire for a democratic belief as that of Turkey, where the public refused to give in to the military coup, the governments in succession need to flaunt the ideals of democracy to the fullest, in benefit of the common man. The people are exhausted and frustrated by the constant bickering and mockery of the term ‘jamhooriat’ (democracy), and are finally breaking the conventional bounds that once seemed impossible. For a society to progress towards a more equitable and progressive state, the voice and representation of the public must be transmitted above. And if done appropriately, the welfare and wellbeing of the people can finally be ascertained. Therein lies the “Pakistaniyat” our Quaid once strived for, and we all must struggle to achieve. For as Allama Iqbal said,

“Nishaan yahi hai zamanay me zinda qomo ka, Kay subh o sham badalti hay unki taqdeerain.” (This is the mark of nations alive in this society, That their destinies change day and night.)

I began writing this in the morning after the 2018 Pakistani General Elections. This was my third time voting in an election, and my first time voting in Pakistan. On Election Day, I was moved. The morning after, I felt uneasy. I woke up to the headlines heralding Imran Khan as the prime minister of Pakistan amidst strong allegations of rigging. Not feeling particularly loyal to any party, and knowing with a level of certainty that the candidates I had voted for would not win – and they did not – I wasn’t keen on staying up all night biting my nails and watching newscasters get unnecessarily excited over limited information about the results. I figured I’d find out in the morning. On Election Day, I thought I witnessed democracy in progress, and I was swept away by the beauty of it. From wealthy businessmen to working class labourers, all stood in the same line awaiting their turn to vote – the nation was uniting, with each citizen having an equal say. A bride walked into the polling station in her wedding dress, elderly in wheelchairs, members of the transgender community going together, long lines of women, and celebrities and politicians showing off their inked thumbs on social media. In a country with such extreme inequality, it can be uplifting to witness a process this unifying. However, as I waited in line to cast my vote, the ease of with which I could brandish my identification card and stand at the polling booth felt heavy. A few months ago, while visiting Machar Colony, I met with members of the Bengali community whose families have lived there for generations but are unable to vote because of lack of identification cards issued. Shaikh Muhammad Siraj, a community activist told me:

“We want to work for this country, for its betterment. We want to vote for a good leader for the country who will do good work for the public and be useful to the nation. But we aren’t able to do so.”

An estimated 1.2 million Bengali Pakistanis were unable to vote in this election. While the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has done much to get women registered to vote, having registered 3.8 million women to electoral rolls in the past months, millions more across the country remain unregistered. The Ahmadi community too remains excluded from the electoral process, forced to choose between their religious beliefs and their right to vote. In Quetta, 31 voters were murdered as they attempted to exercise their right to vote. And here I was, having spent the majority of my life outside of Pakistan, casually strolling into a local polling booth. I slipped my ballots into their respective boxes, uncomfortable with how much privilege existed in this seemingly simple action. It was an emotional experience to feel included in the electoral process of my birth country, and tempting to think that democracy could be this simple. The first time I voted was in the Canadian Federal Elections to vote out former Prime Minister Stephen Harper, which we successfully managed to do through strategic voting. The second time I voted was in the British Columbia (BC) provincial elections to vote out Christy Clark and bring in the New Democratic Party (NDP). Each time I voted, it was for change, for someone new, out of frustration of the status quo. When I spoke with Donald Trump supporters south of the border, I was told that they too wanted change. He is different, they would say. No matter the policies, to them, change was a virtue in of itself. Hilary Clinton seemed like she’d be more of the same. Barack Obama won in 2008 under the campaign slogan “change”. The desire for change among Pakistanis is similar. Imran, eager to finally become prime minister, capitalised on this common desire, and he too promised change in the form of a naya Pakistan. As I listened to his speech to the nation, I desperately wanted to believe him. I recognise this tendency in me, to want to focus on the positive, to hope for a desirable outcome despite all the evidence suggesting otherwise. It exists in many of us. Being critical often calls for an energy that doesn’t always feel sustainable when you’re constantly surrounded by things that demand active critical deconstruction. When you’re surrounded by cynics who have good reason to be cynical, and when there are so many things going wrong and opportunities to celebrate seem rare. Today, I ask myself: how can one remain hopeful without closing one’s eyes? Can we not admire the long lines winding outside polling stations, but also refuse to forget or abandon the millions excluded from the process? Can we really call this election fair? Who are we betraying when we make this claim? I asked a Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) supporter why he was voting for PTI, and he responded,

“Because Imran Khan’s different; he’s new and I want a change. Who else would I support otherwise?”

The youth supporting Imran really do want a naya Pakistan. They are tired of the same old. They want to hold on this new, shimmering idea of change, of the possibilities that one can conjure with the adjective “new”. There is so much for the imagination in this singular word. When I imagine what 'naya' could mean, I imagine clean streets, strong and open governance, viable public transport, water equality, accountable leadership, better hospitals, schools, universities, fair elections, and social welfare. I imagine strolling along pristine, peaceful, tree-lined streets of Karachi at night, feeling safe. I imagine Karachi afternoons where every child is in a classroom rather than working on the streets. I can understand the desire to close one’s eyes to all the facts that betray the hope that this is not going to be a new Pakistan. If not much worse, it will be the same old. It is difficult to let go of hope when it feels so rare. And while Justin Trudeau is a different prime minister from Stephen Harper, so many of his promises remain broken. He promised electoral reform, which never happened. He promised to work to protect the environment and work with indigenous communities, a promise he broke with his approval of major pipeline projects. The BC NDP, while fulfilling some promises, broke others. After each election that I’ve voted in, I have seen how some things improved, many that I hoped would, didn’t. Change can be slow, can be a mirage, can be a betrayal, it can even be worthwhile. It cannot guarantee progress; it is simply a turn. New does not automatically mean better. The election of Trump in the United States brought some of the biggest changes to the country as his voters had hoped, but those changes were often for the worse, as has been the case in many countries around the world that are seeing a rise in authoritarianism and fascism in their attempts to change the status quo. Perhaps it was this sense of false hope and the lack of caution on the part of so many around me, which made me feel uneasy the morning after election. Things don’t change so easily, and not all change is for the better. Let us go into this “new” Pakistan with our eyes fully wide open. Let us find things to celebrate, but let us not delude ourselves.

DC Extended Universe (DCEU), the rushed cinematic universe which longs to replicate what Marvel Cinematic Universe has already achieved, came crashing down when Justice League underperformed at the box office and didn’t impress the critics either. But fortunately, Warner Bros has come up with a new strategy that focuses on standalone movies instead of movies which are interconnected, and this might exactly be what the DCEU needs at the moment. DCEU has many standalone movies slated to release in the coming years, but the one I am most excited about is Shazam!, and its teaser trailer, which was revealed at the San Diego Comic Con, has only increased my excitement. The trailer starts off with a 14-year-old orphan, Billy Batson (Asher Angel), moving into his seventh foster home, where he meets Freddy (Jack Dylan Grazer). Billy forms a friendship with Freddy, who is a superhero enthusiast. Billy’s life forever changes when he enters a subway train, and finds himself teleported to a different realm. There he meets a wizard who grants him the ability to transform into a superhero whenever Billy utters the word “Shazam”. Shazam is an acronym for Solomon, Hercules, Atlas, Zeus, Achilles and Mercury. The movie revolves around Billy trying to get used to his new found abilities with the help of his friend, Freddy, who is the only other person who knows about Billy’s alter ego. [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="480"] Photo: Giphy[/caption] [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="480"] Photo: Giphy[/caption] The trailer is the most fun and colourful DC trailer yet. It doesn’t have a Batman who brands his enemies nor does it have a neck-breaking Superman, and yet this movie could outdo both of them in DCEU. Many have described Shazam! as a superhero movie meets Big. For those of you who haven’t watched Big, it’s a movie starring Tam Hanks and revolves around a kid who transforms into an adult. Big is a very entertaining movie and when you add all the ingredients from Shazam!; super strength, bullet immunity and flying abilities in the mix, it makes up for a mind-blowing affair. [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="480"] Photo: Giphy[/caption] I must say I was sceptical when Zachary Levi was cast as Shazam because he didn’t look the part then, and I wasn’t aware of his work as an actor back then either. However, Levi sure has bulked up and looks more muscular than ever. Also, I watched Chuck recently and instantly became a Levi fan. He sure was born to play Shazam. I would like to mention one particularly funny scene in the trailer that got a few laughs from me. After finding out that his friend has turned into a superhero, Freddy asks Shazam what powers he has to which Shazam replies pointing to his costume,

“Dude! I don’t even know how to pee in this thing.”

The film also stars Mark Strong as the villain, Dr Thaddeus Sivana.

Shazam! could be the movie that saves the DCEU, and might turn out to be the superhero who does what Iron Man did for Marvel. I have a lot of expectations from this DC offering and something tells me that Shazam and Levi won’t let us down. The movie releases on April 5, 2019. All photos: Screenshots

Imran Khan’s victory in the recently concluded General Elections went as per preordained script. The arrest of Nawaz Sharif and his daughter in a money laundering case practically sealed the deal. The Supreme Court has debarred him from contesting elections for life, virtually putting an end to the political career of the former prime minister. It is alleged that Imran enjoys the confidence and support of the establishment which paved the way for Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) to emerge victorious. The opposition has questioned the legitimacy of the elections, especially where it is alleged that widespread rigging was allowed to take place to favour one party. The political pundits had predicted, even before the first vote was cast, that Imran would win the elections hands down because of the tremendous support he receives. However, it can’t be denied that in spite of questions being raised about the fairness of the elections, Imran enjoys tremendous goodwill amongst a large section of the population, mainly for his integrity. PTI could muster only 115 seats, and they have fallen short of 22 seats to able to form the government without a coalition. It is hoped that both the independents and other smaller parties will back PTI in this regard. Today, Pakistan faces an unprecedented economic crisis and requires the assistance of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to bail it out. However, the IMF will force Pakistan to make tough and painful structural adjustments. The US, on the other hand, has refused to help Pakistan until it abandons nurturing terror groups. It is for this reason that Pakistan, today, requires a strong leader, who has the ability to take some hard and unpopular decisions to resuscitate the economy. In his address to the nation, Imran came across as a person with good intentions. Recognising the poor relations of Pakistan with some of its immediate neighbouring countries, especially Afghanistan and India, he expressed his desire to improve ties to ensure peace and stability in the region. He has also assured the people of Pakistan to root out corruption and has offered to subject himself before the National Accountability Bureau (NAB). He has also committed to creating a ‘Naya Pakistan’ which will focus on creating a welfare state. In spite of Imran’s inexperience in governance, he has the making of a good leader, a skill honed during his captaincy, with the ability to take all the sections of society with him. His commitment to protect the interests of the minorities is praiseworthy. In India, one was waiting for a tweet from Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulating Imran for his victory. Sadly, Modi, who is the first on the block to tweet, has remained silent so far. However, in a welcome development, India’s spokesperson at the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), responding to Imran’s offer of friendship with India, has finally issued a statement:

“We welcome that the people of Pakistan have reposed their faith in democracy through General Elections.”

He further expressed India’s desire for a prosperous and progressive Pakistan at peace with its neighbours:

“We hope that the new Government of Pakistan will work constructively to build a safe, stable, secure and developed South Asia, free of terror and violence.”

India-Pakistan relations have swung from absurdity to ridiculousness since the 1947 Partition. Earlier, the attempts of former Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and Nawaz, which led to the signing of the famous “Lahore declaration” to resolve all outstanding issues through dialogue, was sabotaged by forces inimical to any betterment of ties. Similarly, former Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh and the former Prime Minister of Pakistan Yousaf Raza Gillani, had issued a statement at Sharm el-Sheikh for improving ties, but Pakistan’s former premier’s attempt to include Balochistan in the statement led to protests in India. Modi’s meeting with Nawaz in Lahore was also followed by terror strikes at the Indian Air Force Base in Pathankot. India accused Pakistan of sending terrorists from across the border and refused to engage with it till it stops funding and arming the terror organisations. It impinges on India to start the process of dialogue, if there is a genuine intention of improving ties. Once the relation improves, the sponsors of terrorism will be compelled to abandon the state-sponsored policy. There are lots of expectations from Imran, who, unlike Nawaz, is on the establishment's good side. It is a well-known fact that the foreign policy, especially with India and Afghanistan, is decided by the army to a certain degree. The political pundits in India are diffident whether Imran would have complete freedom and liberty to steer the foreign policy with India and Afghanistan. It would make sense for Imran to take the army on board in all future negotiations with India. Imran in his speech said that if India takes one step forward, Pakistan will take two steps forward. The Indian government should accept his offer in all its sincerity and resume the dialogue. The people on both sides of the border have suffered immensely through cross border violations. No one has benefitted from them. Both the countries need “out of the box” solutions for improving the ties. Today, Pakistan needs stability and peace so that the government can use all its precious time and resources for the betterment of its people. Moreover, at a time, when billions of dollars are being poured by China in China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), there is an urgent need for peace in the region. India and Pakistan have seen enough blood, it is now time that the two countries join hands and solve their issues. We owe it to our future generations to establish peace in our region. India should take the step forward and extend the hand of friendship to Pakistan’s new prime minister. With the promise of Naya Pakistan, we should also work towards Naye Indo-Pak relations.

He came, he saw, he conquered. These words are the very least one can associate with Mahendra Singh Dhoni for his performance thus far in international cricket. By placing the ball behind the square through to the third man boundary for a single, he recently achieved the milestone of making 10,000 ODI runs.

On July 14, 2018 at Lord’s, the home of cricket, he became only the 12^th batsman in the history of ODI cricket to achieve this rare feat.

MS Dhoni plays a shot during the second ODI against England at Lords in London on July 14, 2018. Photo: Reuters

As a fan, there are several memories I associate with the accomplishments of this gentleman. From his early days as a boy from a small town, the passage he passed through and the circumstances he overcame to get to this point, it all makes this achievement more significant.

Congratulations MS Dhoni on 10000 ODI runs. Fantastic achievement to do it at an average of 51.5 .

— Virender Sehwag (@virendersehwag) July 14, 2018

His journey started with a competition to win a place in the team. Dinesh Karthik and Parthiv Patel were in line as well, but Dhoni was prioritised over the two as Indian selectors wanted to take the extra burden off Rahul Dravid, who was performing wicket-keeping duty in limited-over cricket. Thus, Dhoni made it to the Indian team by passing through an extremely tough competition against extremely talented players.

I still remember Ravi Shastri’s words when Dhoni came to the crease during his debut against Bangladesh in Chittagong in December 2004:

“Let’s see what this boy from Ranchi can do.”

Although he bagged a duck in his very first appearance, he was unfortunately run out right after. Nonetheless, it was the start of something extraordinary.

His smashing maiden hundred against arch rivals Pakistan at Vizag (formerly Visakhapatnam) in 2005 settled the debate over his selection. With his long dyed hair and swashbuckling style of play, he caught the eye of cricket lovers all across the world. After all, out of the 12 players to make 10,000 runs thus far, Dhoni has faced the least number of balls to achieve the feat. This speaks volumes regarding his consistency to not only score, but to do so with a strike rate in the high 80s.

After the debacle of the 2007 World Cup, when Dravid quit his job as leader, the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) were all set to hand over captaincy to Sachin Tendulkar. But Tendulkar refused and put Dhoni’s name forward as the new in charge. What a master stroke this was!

Dhoni’s first real test as captain was the inaugural World T20 event in which he succeeded as a champion. It is still a tragic memory for me as a Pakistani fan, with Misbahul Haq’s last ball ‘mis-hit’ costing us a final we could have easily won otherwise. However, that was the moment I became Dhoni’s ardent admirer. He led the young side well and his strategic decisions as captain (who can forget the bowl-out rule where he used non-regular bowlers to hit the stumps and won that game) throughout the tournament made him even more special to his fans.

MS Dhoni of India celebrates his team’s victory with Misbahul Haq of Pakistan looking on during the Twenty20 Championship Final match between Pakistan and India at The Wanderers Stadium on September 24, 2007, in Johannesburg, South Africa. Photo: Getty

My favourite memory of him is most definitely his inning of 113 not out at Chennai during Pakistan’s tour of India in 2012-13. In an overcast condition when Junaid Khan ripped India’s top order apart, Dhoni proved yet again that he is made for pressure. He knew the ball was seaming and swinging, so he took his stance two steps outside the crease to nullify the seam and the swing. His rock solid defence and powerful scoring shots were simply gorgeous to watch. That inning is just a sample of his great batting career – something that instilled an admiration and obsession in me for Dhoni, both as a player and as India’s captain.

Greatness is always achieved when you think beyond yourself. His leadership skills, selfless attitude and well-maintained fitness are profound qualities which inspire me a lot as an individual. Before the on-going tour of England, he passed the Yo-Yo test with the highest marks amongst the entire squad.

I have no qualms in declaring Dhoni the best captain in international cricket over the past decade. After all, there are so many lessons that can be learnt from him. His tendency of assuming responsibility when the team loses but giving credit to the entire team after a win, his delivery under pressure, as well as his bravery to bat up the order in the final of 2011 Cricket World Cup, are just some examples. His sharpness behind the stumps, guiding the bowlers where to pitch the ball, and out of the box field placing are all hallmark of his career so far.

As a Pakistani fan of India’s Dhoni, it is indeed very sad to see India and Pakistan have an implicit agreement to not play with each other. I consider myself one of the lucky ones, as I got to witness Dhoni’s batting at the National Stadium Karachi when India toured Pakistan in the 2005-06 series. Although India lost the Test match then, the glimpse of Dhoni’s powerful stroke-making will always remain fresh in my memories. I vividly remember that his performance and the beauty of his shots were equally cherished by Pakistani and Indian spectators alike.

While writing this, it feels as if his entire career – spanning 14 years thus far – has passed by in the blink of an eye. From his pre-captaincy era where he invented the helicopter shot and his lightning fast wicket-keeping, to becoming the skipper and winning trophies, to making India the number one ranked Test team for several years, to grooming Virat Kohli to be his successor – Dhoni is an era on his own. I can only wish that in the twilight of his career, I can once again watch him play Pakistan in Pakistan and enjoy the experience as a fan one more time.

The latest novel by Kamila Shamsie has won numerous accolades, the most recent one being the 2018 Women’s Prize for Fiction. The novel, based on the Greek tragedy Antigone, delves into the modern-day spasms of jihad and terrorism, and also examines the concept of loyalty, belief and love. Not having read Antigone, Home Fire came across as a juxtaposition of the notions that have been shuffling in religious and political debate of late. The cover of the book – one of the most profound covers out of the books in my possession – is a simple maze of red-orange fire with two lovers at its centre and a lamp over their heads. Like its cover, the book’s setting of the main characters at work in the plot is simple and profound. With the book divided into smaller parts for each character, we get to experience their stories from their perspective, as well as the tightly held tiny cosmos of wishes and old memories. The story sets off with Isma, a British-Pakistani and the oldest of the three siblings, who is going to Amherst, Massachusetts for her PhD in sociology on a scholarship. She leaves behind her younger sister Aneeka, who is studying law at the London School of Economics on a scholarship. Aneeka’s twin brother Parvaiz has already left his sisters in order to avenge the death of their father Adil Pasha, who fought in Bosnia, Chechnya, and was then caught fighting with the Taliban in Afghanistan. After his capture, he was held at Bagram and died on his way to Guantanamo. Being the eldest, Isma has fed the siblings since their mother died, when the twins were 12 and she was 21. Having just graduated from LSE herself when her mother passed away, she worked several jobs to provide for her siblings while their father was absent from their lives. On the other hand, we see Karamat Lone, a British-Pakistani and the Home Secretary, who has become an atheist overtime yet continues to recite Ayatal Kursi in times of fear. Karamat also has a son Eamonn, whose name is thought to be Aimen, but he is given this Irish tag to prove Karamat’s loyalty to British values. Home Fire is a story that encapsulates the fire that exists within a country, within one’s own self, and within the loyalties we place. The novel is a simple story of love blooming and trying to work through the harsh realities shrouding the characters. It’s a love affair between Eamonn and Aneeka, who wants to get her twin brother back to England with his help, but in doing so starts to fall for him. Eamonn has already met Isma in America, but falls for Aneeka. We get to see the story of their love, the choices the two make to provide what they can for the ones they love the most. The last lines of the book are where Shamsie shows the reader the want of being there, of being wanted through and till the end, no matter what the end is, no matter what it might bring.

“For a moment, they are two lovers in a park, under an ancient tree, sun-dappled, beautiful and at peace.”

This line is what Home Fire is about. The shards one has to choose from what’s leftover. Through this book, Shamsie delineates what it is to be a Muslim in a world fraught with nationalistic agendas, with ideas that are too large and too fragile to be discussed when it comes to love – for a sibling or for a lover. She shows what it is like is to be a Muslim, from covering one’s head to the frequent interrogation, suspicion, and constant worry to be careful no matter what you do; be it searching the internet, drinking, not drinking, believing, not believing, falling in love, or even going further. In these times of nationalistic outpouring and extreme narratives, Shamsie shows how the world – be it England or Pakistan – takes away the right to make our own choices and has a stringent way of judgment. It’s the small details in this simple story that make the reader engrossed in it. It’s in the way Shamsie describes bay takkallufi (uninhibited) in the following lines,

“I wouldn’t say intimacy. It’s about feeling comfortable with someone.”

It’s the social inequality with which Isma is judged at the airport, her belongings being inspected because she is a Muslim who covers her head, but also because of the quality of the material. It’s in the conclusion that makes the reader look forward to the story while knowing the tale is of two doomed lovers. Home Fire is a story that builds slowly, taking the characters and the readers along on a journey. Yes, the story has a simple ground for some heavy political work, appearing a bit whitewashed, with westernisation infused within the dynamics of Pakistani pop songs when describing what it is like to be a Muslim, especially if one has a dual nationality. Nonetheless, it slowly builds on towards a story that asks simple and plain questions at hand, with characters tugged by difficult choices they have to make, no matter how controversial or painful, because ultimately they have to wade through the warring paths of emotions to fulfil the responsibility of love.

Of all the Pakistani celebrities India is familiar with, Imran Khan has been the most recognisable and for a time, the most popular. As an extremely talented and good-looking World Cup winning captain, Imran has been a byword for leadership and charisma in the subcontinent.

Indeed, in the 80s, Imran appeared in several Indian advertisements endorsing products like Cinthol and Thumbs Up. The improbability of a Pakistani advertising for an Indian brand today points to the tragic deterioration in relations since then, but it also points to the popularity Imran enjoyed among Indians once.

1987 :: Cinthol Soap Advertisement Featuring Imran Khan

"Pace of The Khan , Soap of The Khan , India's Winning Soap :: CINTHOL" pic.twitter.com/IegSqV1oRW

— indianhistorypics (@IndiaHistorypic) July 25, 2018

Posted by Obsessive Creative Decision on Thursday, April 30, 2015

Given this background, one could have expected Imran to be the most popular Pakistani politician among Indians today, and yet it is somewhat surprising that most Indians and the Indian media correspondingly are not enthused by the prospect of Prime Minister Imran Khan. For many Pakistanis of course – especially the youth – Imran heralds a certain change, a ray of hope. The man who scripted Pakistan’s finest moment on the global sporting stage may, by the dint of his leadership qualities and the lucky stars he was born under, change the fortunes of Pakistan for the better.

For Pakistan’s neighbours, however, Imran will be viewed on the basis of what he brings to the table vis-à-vis their relationship with Pakistan. For the last few years, Indians (like many Pakistanis) believe that Imran has the backing of the powers that be. In India’s case, any Pakistani politician with such assistance already starts with a strike against his or her name. For India, the powers that be in Pakistan are the villains of the saga, and therefore anyone they back is also by extension problematic.

What made Imran the “villain” for the Indian media, however, has less to do with what Imran did and more to do with the fact that the media in India is arguably passing through its worst phase ever. It has, with notable exceptions, surrendered itself entirely to the narrative of the Indian establishment. Heroes and villains are born on primetime television with a grotesque competitiveness every night, as middle class families settle down for their dinner.

Imran Khan: “we will have peaceful talk with India & try to resolve the issues with harmony”

Meanwhile India: https://t.co/g1vuqjufM9

— Ayeshay (@champagne_lassi) July 26, 2018

In this world of adult anchors screaming like tomcats in heat for an extra slice of attention, there is no room for shades of grey. There is only black and white, and for the purpose of our viewers, a Pakistani has a very slim chance of being a hero by default. He or she may have to be shot in the head by the Taliban for demanding education to be considered one, and sometimes even that does not suffice. Media channels today are jumping over themselves trying to prove they are more loyal than the king, and there is no better way to do this than to yell at Pakistan and Pakistanis vacuously like Arnab Goswami frequently does.

"Why is #ImranKhan licking our boots," asks ArnabTheGoswami, all because he apparently said he wants peace with India?? What kind of language is this on national TV? Disgusting.

— Uma Sudhir (@umasudhir) July 26, 2018

" Why is Imran Khan licking our boots ? "

This is what Arnab Goswami said after Imran Khan talked about maintaining peace and harmony with India.

These type of journalists are more dangerous to the country than Terrorists and Naxalites. .

Stop Consuming Venom People!

— Roshan Rai (@RoshanKrRai) July 27, 2018

Arnab and gang are highly disappointed that Hafiz Saeed’s party performed dismally in the elections and they have lost the opportunity to rant against Pakistan today. What’s worse for them is that Imran Khan is talking of peace! Peace doesn’t sell as much as hate. https://t.co/eK5kZtofer

— Rohini Singh (@rohini_sgh) July 26, 2018

If Imran makes a speech that pejoratively paints his opposition to be a friend of India’s, then Imran is the villain India knew him to be. If, on the other hand, he talks about reconciliation, it is said that Imran is petrified of us. In short, there is precious little that Imran can do to elicit a balanced opinion from the drama queens of Indian primetime news channels.

#PakVotesForTerror | Imran Khan just wants to have peace with Pakistan's neighbour: Barrister Zahid Saeed (Retd)-Former Diplomat & Defence Analyst pic.twitter.com/ThfiRU0jLD

— Republic (@republic) July 26, 2018

This is exactly what Imran was talking about when, in his post-victory speech, he made the point that the Indian media has “made a Bollywood villain” out of him. The choice of words was apt. Bollywood does seem to be the template of the television media in India. This has been the case since the liberalisation, privatisation, globalisation (LPG) reforms and the entry of private news channels took the ‘L’ in ‘LPG’ to liberally douse their routines with histrionics to get ahead of the game in a country where one of Ekta Kapoor’s saas-bahu shows will always do better than Shyam Benegal’s Samvidhaan.

"I'm sad with the way I've been portrayed by Indian media… As a bollywood villain. I am the Pakistani who knows India best, and I understand the need for peace " : Imran Khan

— Suhasini Haidar (@suhasinih) July 26, 2018

Well spoken Imran Khan. I have been saying whatever you said on all channels past two days regarding India-Pakistan! I hope you succeed in making your “Mulk” have good relations with my “Mulk” pic.twitter.com/YCe741vW22

— Rishi Kapoor (@chintskap) July 26, 2018

When it comes to Imran, there is room for plenty of scepticism and cynicism. He can talk about peace with India and he may even genuinely desire it, yet, it is unlikely he can do anything about it. There are aspects of his politics with regards to the Ahmadi community and the politicisation of the Khatm-e-Nabuwat (finality of Prophethood) doctrine that remain deeply problematic. He has been known to take a soft approach in dealing with the Taliban, and has funded madrassas that are intertwined with the Taliban network. The Indian media can and should make these points with nuance and with a desire to inform the public, rather than with a desire to entertain and widen the already large gap that exists.

In his book The Argumentative Indian, Amartya Sen compared the approach of the noted scholar and historian Al Biruni with the British historian James Mill, in how they understood and wrote about India. According to Sen, Biruni followed what he called a ‘curatorial’ approach to writing about India by presenting as accurate a picture as possible by visiting India and speaking to a host of individuals, and even when presenting a differing point of view from Indian scholars, taking great care to ensure their view was represented with respect and great care. In contrast, Mill followed the magisterial approach to writing about India. He wrote The History of British India without ever having visited India, referring to Indian civilisation as inherently inferior, in need of civilising, and dismissed any discovery or invention attributed to Indians (like the decimal system) as falsifications of cunning pundits in order to fool gullible Indophiles like Sir William Jones.

One gets the feeling that Indian television media is following Mill’s magisterial approach generally speaking, but especially with respect to Pakistan, and now Imran. Mill, however, did not indulge in the kind of histrionics that are a hallmark of Indian primetime TV news. Indian media is today therefore a queer and tragic mix of Mill and Rakhi Sawant – unbelievable in its arrogance, and unbearable in its drama.

As expected, the Balochistan Awami Party (BAP) grabbed more seats than any other party in the legislative provincial assembly in the 2018 General Elections. Though they did not win an absolute majority, BAP has enough elected members to attract other parties and independent candidates to form a coalition government. In the entire history of the province, there has never been a political party that has enjoyed an absolute majority in the assembly, so switching party loyalties to form a coalition government is a common occurrence. Of the 50 members of the house, the BAP acquired 17 seats, with two of them going to independent candidates. Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) got nine seats, the Balochistan National Party-Mengal (BNP-M) got six seats and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) got four seats respectively. The Awami National Party (ANP) secured three and the Hazara Democratic Party (HDP) won two seats. The MMA emerged as the second largest party, while the BNP-M secured third place by clinching six seats. These results were not unexpected. The only surprise was that both parties gained more seats than the previously powerful National Party (NP) and Pashtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PMAP). In the 2013 elections, the NP and the PMAP were both accused of using the support of the establishment to emerge as winners. These two parties are now themselves accusing the same establishment of rigging the elections in favour of their opponents. Both parties have legitimate concerns because intervening in elections is not uncommon in Balochistan and it is really shocking that NP has not won a single seat. If all goes according to plan, the BAP’s Jam Kamal Khan is expected to become the chief minister of Balochistan. In Balochistan, however, one cannot always count on the support of fellow party members, especially in the case of a party like BAP, which is largely made up of politicians who want to remain in government so that they can continue to enjoy the perks and privileges of their position, just as they have been doing for decades. The BAP is made up of parliamentarians who do not need a party name to win elections in their respective constituencies. These same people have been in government on and off since the 2000s. I personally would not be surprised if the entire BAP team joins the PTI, but it is unlikely to happen now. The BAP’s Chief, in an interview with the Express Tribune’s Quetta correspondent, said his first priority is the utilisation of the province’s available resources and funding shortfalls. The fact that Balochistan does not have officials and leaders who know how to use allocated funds wisely is a cause for genuine concern. A senior official serving in Balochistan’s health department during the last government told me that billions of rupees go unused every year. Khan is aware of this problem but has no plan for resolving it. This means that even if there was no corruption in the province, the problem of utilisation of available resources would persist. Khan justifies close ties and cozy relations with the military by citing the proximity to Balochistan’s borders of hostile neighbours and the war-like state the province has been living in for decades. He believes that given this state of affairs, it is entirely appropriate to have strong ties with the military. Since the security forces in the province are accused of engaging in illegal detention and enforced disappearances, Khan’s statement makes him a clear party to this ongoing conflict. The BAP is basically the same old faces under a new label and yet they insist that they are going to develop Balochistan and create a brighter future for the province. Not a word is said about the most important and pressing issue facing the province – maintaining peace and protecting the borders. For the people of Balochistan, peace and protection is priority number one, even more important than development. Another strike against the BAP is that it has been accused of relying on support from the establishment to get its members elected. In light of these liabilities and the fact that BAP members are notorious for switching loyalties and allegiances whenever they deem it expedient, it is hardly surprising that people’s expectations for this party are low. The BNP-M, on the other hand, is viewed by many as the representative party of Baloch and partially Pakhtun-dominated areas in the province. In the previous government, the BNP-M Chief and former Chief Minister Sardar Akhtar Mengal formed an alliance with dissidents from the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), now members of the BAP, to topple the government of Chief Minister Sannaullah Zehri. Mengal earned respect in the province because of his vocal and forthright championing in the national media of the pressing issues facing Balochistan. But many are unhappy about some of his recent alliances and his party was also accused during the elections of being embroiled in the issue of missing Baloch political activists. While it has not yet been decided whether Mengal will sit with the government or the opposition in the new assembly, people are still hoping that he will live up to his promise. Another election surprise was the victory of the talented retired senator Sanaullah Baloch in the constituency of Kharan, a seemingly impossible feat that ended over 30-year rule of Nausherwani family. People expect more from the BNP-M than they do from other political parties because it has been very vocal on Baloch issues. However, it remains to be seen how the BNP-M will play its cards. While Mengal and Baloch have maintained a far more active and vocal role on social media than other political leaders in Balochistan, it’s now time to get serious and deliver on their promises in the legislative assembly. If they fail to carry their weight as members of the opposition or the coalition government, people will not be kind in their judgment of them.

It’s rightly said that holding elections is one of the most significant features of the democratic process in any country. Elections are held periodically to gauge which political party is popular with the populace. In essence, appealing to the will of the electorate is what makes a democracy such a robust and endearing process. As part of our democratic dispensation, the General Elections were held in Pakistan on July 25, 2018. Although the lead up to the polls was marred by unfortunate incidents in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (K-P), yet Pakistan saw relative peace and tranquillity on election day. Subsequently, cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan’s party the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) broke the myth that there are only two strong political parties in the country, namely the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). He proved that PTI is second to none; not anymore. After forming a coalition government in K-P post the 2013 Elections, PTI prioritised the welfare of people and gave much heed to human development in the province. Chief Minister Pervez Khattak, being a seasoned and sagacious statesman, worked tirelessly to help build the foundation of institutions. During his tenure as CM, PTI not only introduced reforms in the police, education, health and justice departments, but also made said departments quintessential for other provinces to follow. The fact that PTI has been voted into power for a second consecutive term is testament to the popularity and trust this party enjoys in K-P. Never has any party been elected twice in K-P over the course of seven decades in Pakistan’s young history. Many pundits ascribe this unprecedented achievement to the public friendly policies initiated by PTI stalwarts. The people of K-P spoke by giving PTI a two-third majority in the province. Out of the total 97 seats, they were able to secure more than 60. This thumping victory by the party bodes well for ushering in an era of prosperity and development in the province. With more than 64 MPAs, the party is all set to reclaim the province – this time with more ease and a compelling mandate. Before I delve deeper into what led to the sweeping victory of PTI in K-P, let me give you a clear picture of the five-year long tenure of the party. Firstly, after assuming power, the party had to grapple with the incessant threat of terrorism and extremism in K-P and adjoining areas. Secondly, the state of education and health back then was dismally dispiriting. Thirdly, like other parts of the country, corruption had become endemic here as well. Fourthly, the rising numbers of unemployment were equally disturbing for those living in the province as they struggled to find jobs. Lastly, the province lagged far behind Punjab and urban Sindh with regards to infrastructure and innovation. Apart from the aforementioned woes, the province was facing ecological and socio-economic crises. However, the party managed to get over these issues meticulously. Within just a couple of years, the K-P police became the most proficient and highly professional force in the country. From thwarting the nefarious designs of inimical forces to cracking down on drugs, the K-P police won the hearts and gratitude of the people of the province. The education system also flourished under the PTI-led government. Health cards were distributed among the destitute and those who couldn’t afford healthcare facilities. Thousands of school teachers were recruited based on merit. The billion tree tsunami project also proved to be a tremendous success, given the fact that Pakistan is also in the midst of another intense heat wave. Furthermore, the de-politicisation of the police and the creation of the Ehtesab Commission earned the party a lot of credit. Earning the trust of the public paid off for the PTI, which couldn’t form the government in the centre and Punjab back in 2013, but now things have dramatically altered in favour of change. Imran’s slogan – the central premise of which is changing the way Pakistan has been governed over the years – has resonated with all and sundry. It now seems palpable that Pakistan is finding a truly patriotic and sincere leader, someone the nation has been longing for. Maulana Fazlur Rehman, Asfandyar Wali Khan, Sirajul Haq and many other highly influential politicians had to bite the dust this time, as the people of K-P willingly gave an overwhelming mandate to PTI. Rajab Ali, a diehard supporter of Imran, described his elation over PTI’s victory in the following words:

“Now that PTI has made it to the corridors of power, we are jubilant and sanguine that Imran will honour his pledges and bring the much-needed semblance of peace and prosperity in the country.”

The people of K-P have thus reposed their trust in PTI and are optimistic about the fate of their province under his leadership. Let’s hope this victory ends the status quo and brings considerable amelioration to the lives of our people. Lastly, before forming the provincial government in K-P, Imran has to choose a trustworthy and unyielding leader who should have the quality of being the right man for the job. Another indication that Imran is following through on his promise of change is the decision to not bring Khattak back for the coveted position of the CM, and name other deserving candidates such as Atif Khan, the former education minister for K-P, and Shah Farman, the former information minister. Instead, Imran wants former CM Khattak to be a part of the federal cabinet. Though the party is riding high and consolidating the gains of Khattak’s governance over the past five years, they are also making it clear that other people will be given a chance so that the mandate given to them is delivered upon. Electing the PTI government for a second time shows that the people of K-P crave the dividends of a government that truly cares for them and acknowledges and works on reducing their genuine grievances. After all, only when you serve the people do you manage to get their trust and approbation, and the PTI has managed to do just that.

With the DC Extended Universe (DCEU) still looking to hit its stride the same way Marvel has, their latest film Aquaman provides them with a welcome opportunity to do so by going the traditional origin-story route, with a character that isn’t that well-known to most mainstream comicbook fans. Now, the story of Aquaman is fairly silly when compared to other DC heroes, which poses a bigger challenge to properly bring it to the screen, especially with DC’s history of making movies that are overly self-serious. But judging by the trailer, DC seems to have adopted a far lighter tone with this film, while keeping the seriousness intact. It follows Arthur Curry (Jason Mamoa), a man who comes to learn that he is the heir to the underwater kingdom of Atlantis and must step forward to lead its people. The trailer itself gives us glimpses into how Arthur became Aquaman, while also introducing us to the sprawling world of Atlantis. The film primarily chronicles Aquaman’s search for the trident of King Atlan with the help of Mera (Amber Heard), as the trident holds the key to the dead king’s legacy and ultimately the throne of Atlantis itself. The trailer also establishes the antagonists of the film Black Manta (Yahya Abdul Mateen II) – a ruthless deep sea treasure hunter and mercenary – and Orm also known as Ocean Master (Patrick Wilson), Aquaman’s half-brother and rival for the throne of Atlantis, both of whom who are menacing in their own unique ways and are undoubtedly going to be a major hurdle for Arthur as he attempts to retrieve the trident. Another aspect that stands out from the trailer is how visually stunning it is. The special effects used to create Atlantis make it look like something out of James Cameron’s Avatar. And with Conjuring and Furious 7 director James Wan taking the helm, the film has some noticeable filmmaking pedigree involved. The likes of Willem Dafoe, Nicole Kidman, Wilson and Heard are all part of the talented cast. Based on the trailer, Aquaman presents the DCEU with a great chance to bring about a much-needed tonal shift in their cinematic universe. And with Wan behind the camera and a talented cast for him to work with, Aquaman could just be the special effects spectacle the world is waiting to watch. Aquaman hits cinemas December 14, 2018. All photos: Warner Bros

In the post-election scenario, Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q) has emerged from nowhere to be in a dictating position in Punjab, which is the largest province of Pakistan. This is the very party that almost got flushed out in the General Elections of 2013. In the pre-election build up, sensing that the wave of triumph was on the side of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), it was PML-Q that desired to assist PTI with seat adjustments throughout the country. In the coming days, formation of the Punjab government would be an extremely uphill task. The battle is all set with either side needing at least 149 directly elected members of the provincial assembly. Finding opportunity, PML-Q has turned itself into a weapon that is dire to win the battle but with a very high price tag attached to it. The PML-Q claims to be in contact with at least six independent candidates as well as with the presumed forward block of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). Leader of PML-Q, Chaudhry Pervez Elahi, is surely eyeing the top provincial slot as he sees PTI struggling to find a suitable member of the provincial parliament to lead this tough contest. Meanwhile, Elahi has been elected on two national and one provincial seat in the 2018 Elections. Sources within the party are of the view that the leadership is eyeing top slots in either the province or the federal in return for their support to the PTI. This price tag is not limited to PTI as PML-Q is trying to bat on both sides of the pitch. The similar price tag has been displayed for the former ruling party, PML-N. The party leadership is in touch with PML-N with a bargaining chip on the table. Their stance is clear for PML-N, with a claim that a presumed forward block of PML-N is in touch with the top brass of their party. By hook or by crook, the party wants Elahi to either become chief minister of Punjab or deputy premier in the federal. On meeting with Caretaker Information and Law Minister Barrister Syed Ali Zafar, he categorically gave his verdict that though in the past the position of deputy prime minister was created to accommodate an ally, it was not in accordance to the Constitution of Pakistan. According to him, deputy premier is a position that can be used as a bargaining chip for political purposes, but it has no constitutional standing. Importantly, PTI still believes that when PML-Q approached PTI before the elections for seat adjustment, they categorically said that they do not have any other interests other than being a part of Naya Pakistan. There is a clear resentment within the PTI over PML-Q as they feel betrayed by the tractor for coming onto the pitch in the final over. They believe that the tractor had no fuel and wheels in its own garage and it was PTI that wheeled and fuelled the tractor in the selective constituencies so that they can harvest once again in rural Punjab. However, now that the harvest is ready, the tractor has started putting barriers on GT Road to create hurdles for other riders, including PTI. Meanwhile, though he disarmingly hugged Aleem Khan, Fawad Chaudhry is still leading the race within the party for the slot of Punjab chief minister and Dr Yasmin Rashid’s name is said to be forwarded for the slot of Speaker of the Punjab Assembly. Rumour has it that PTI might consider giving the Speaker of Punjab Assembly slot to PML-Q, if they fail to gather support in Punjab. It seems strange but the seven-seater PML-Q is extremely important for any side in Punjab. PML-Q’s stance reminds us of ‘Manzoor Watto Model’. Just like Wattoo, Hamid Nasir Chattha and Sardar Arif Nakai had successfully bargained with Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in the 90s. Similarly, PML-Q wants to coax PTI into fulfilling their demands. PTI is already divided into two factions to fight this ruthless battle in Punjab. For example, Jahangir Khan Tareen is recently seen with independent candidates and Aleem. It would be important to see how Imran Khan handles the situation in the coming days of the political arena. Looking at the current political brawl, one may predict that PTI might give away the Speaker of Punjab Assembly position to PML-Q, but nothing more can be expected. We need to keep in mind that the elected members of multiple seats would have to vacate their seats wisely to form the government. If an elected member leaves their national or provincial seat, it might affect the election of premier or chief minister. Traditionally, PML-Q relied upon the politics of clans and castes in Punjab. They do have a deep-rooted influence in central Punjab but it is not enough to fetch them tangible political space. They are known for gunning down governments using someone else’s shoulder. They faced a decade-long political drought as they were confined to the politics at the district level. They reached a realisation that their ‘bicycle’ was out-dated and punctured. They wisely turned it into a tractor to grow a fresh political field. They desperately begged for fuel and wheels to bring it onto the fields before elections. Now when they have been lucky enough to have a decent political crop, they are in a position to sell it to the highest bidder in town rather than simply placing it on the lap of ‘the ones’ who helped them in their rainy days. It would be very interesting to see whether they betray their allies or help them for the larger interest of the ‘major’ electoral mandate of the country.

The verdict is out and the nation has spoken – Naya Pakistan is on its way, and the bandwagon of rejected politicians isn’t going to stop it. This ‘new’ Pakistan comes with a lot of new promises as well, but as the saying goes, ‘if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it’. Severe challenges lie ahead for Imran Khan, particularly the economy. Axing Najam Sethi from his job as the Chairman of the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB), as the rumours suggest, would simply open up another wound that is unwarranted.

Wasim Akram, the rumoured replacement, isn’t a weak candidate by any means. He enjoys love from the masses and in the cricket community for his legendary career. In any other part of the world, Akram’s services would have been utilised immediately after his retirement, but of course we are different. The most we wanted out of a genius like Akram was to conduct temporary trials at the PCB headquarters, or host a Ramazan transmission with little meaning and a lot of glamour.

Wasim Akram poised to replace Najam Sethi as PCB chief #ElectionPakistan2018 ️#NayaPakistan pic.twitter.com/ybTtg8r6E3

— Rizwan Khan (@khan_here_) July 27, 2018

I am not sure if new talent was ever discovered through the futile attempts by the PCB, but we sure did waste our opportunity to make the most out of arguably one of the best bowlers in the history of the game. However, the past is over and Naya Pakistan is the future. Bringing Akram in as the head of the PCB is not a necessity at this stage, considering Sethi is running the PCB more fluently than ever.

PCB chairmanship is a new ball game altogether. Akram is as good as you can get when it comes to understanding the game, but being the PCB chief requires administrative skills. History tells us that cricket players haven’t left us with fond memories whenever they got involved in administrative jobs in the PCB. Only time will tell if this is a wise move, but for now, Sethi should be clearing his desk because him being sacked seems imminent.

Wasim Akram was one of the finest fast bowlers in the world. But Najam Sethi is doing s good job @najamsethi https://t.co/O0ksn7OwRD

— Aamna Taseer (@AamnaTaseer) July 27, 2018

Sethi has a tainted past – as evidenced by the ongoing investigation against him – in which he could have dirtied his hands one way or another. After all, he enjoyed a close relationship with the Sharif family which has two of its members behind bars already, with more expected to crash the party at Adiala jail later. However, if we believe in the laws set in our Constitution, then Sethi, like anyone else, is innocent until proven guilty.

Despite my personal dislike of him, I was the first to write about the appreciation he deserves for his performance as the PCB Chairman. It wasn’t a favour to him; good work in the best interest for the nation will always have my support.

Didn't IK say in his first public address after the election that there would be no political victimization of opponents?

Why then is there talk of removing Najam Sethi from the PCB — whether you like or dislike him you can't deny the fact that he has done much for Pak cricket

— omar r quraishi (@omar_quraishi) July 27, 2018

Sethi was the first chairman who seemed to understand what his title demands from him. He focused his energy on the bigger picture, rather than interfering in others’ work. From giving full autonomy to the selection committee and to Mickey Arthur, to taking on full responsibility for converting the dream of Pakistan Super League (PSL) into a reality, Sethi proved his mettle early on, but he didn’t stop at that. After all, bringing cricket home was critical for Pakistan.

I'd be disappointed if Imran removed @najamsethi from the PCB.

Forget the politics. Najam's tenure has been brilliant for Pakistan.

He is the one who has brought cricket home.

— Dennis Jai Hind (@DennisCricket_) July 26, 2018

International teams had been offering nothing but prayers when it came to playing cricket in Pakistan. But who would know better than Sethi that money talks! Those who didn’t feel safe playing cricket in Pakistan later had a sudden change of heart with some easy cash up for grabs. It may sound like a cheap tactic, but Sethi did what works best in today’s society. Teams like Zimbabwe, West Indies, Sri Lanka as well as the World XI group toured Pakistan, but Sethi wasn’t done yet. Next up on his list was PCB’s relationship with the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI).

The BCCI had only one way of dealing with other boards outside the ‘Big Three’, and it revolved around making promises that can be broken when need be. Sethi cared little about the International Cricket Council’s (ICC) favourite child, and went on to file a case against the BCCI. This action needed the highest level of political acumen, and who better than Sethi for the job. Before he gets sacked, let the fact that he forced ICC to move the Asia Cup from India to the UAE sink in.

I have no doubt that Sethi has done remarkably well within the resources available. The man who brought cricket home, is being sent packing himself. It’s sad that his downfall would not be due to a lack of performance, but rather his love for dirty political games.

Removing Najam Sethi as chairman PCB – after knowing how he launched PSL and worked for return of international cricket – won’t be a wise move.
I sincerely hope that PTI/Imran Khan would let him complete his tenure.

— Faizan Lakhani (@faizanlakhani) July 27, 2018

They say if you play with fire then be willing to get burnt. Sethi ignited the fire when he made it a habit to practice yellow journalism on his TV show called Apas Ki Baat. He left the show once a conflict of interest occurred between his PCB position and doing a political show on TV. However, by the time he left, the damage had been done and enemies had been created. His TV show seemed more of a consultancy session for Nawaz Sharif than anything else.

When PSL first came to Lahore, Sethi couldn’t help but show his political loyalty by kissing praises to the Punjab government amidst chants of “Go Nawaz Go”. It was an ugly moment to witness, but that moment perhaps best describes Sethi’s story. He did everything right, but once a political appointment, always a political appointment.

Sethi does not deserve to be removed, but in all honesty, he went out calling for it. He chose this fight with Imran, and only he will pay the price. However, in this unfortunate political battle between Sethi and Imran, if Sethi ends up getting sacked, it is Pakistan cricket and its fans who are most likely to be the losers.

In June, Imran Khan, leader of Pakistan-Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and now set to be the country’s future prime minister, made a few uninformed statements on feminism. He said,

“I disagree with the western concepts of feminism. It has completely degraded the role of a mother.”

The internet responded to this and set the record straight. The theory and practice of feminism, which is certainly not always western, has led to maternity benefits for working mothers and has elevated motherhood in that regard. But Imran has previously opined on topics that stray from his area of expertise. His views on feminism do not necessarily determine the nature of PTI’s work in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) to promote women’s rights. However, facts do. Unfortunately, though, they have not delivered. K-P has yet to enact a law against domestic violence to protect women. Other provinces have enacted such laws for the protection of women – Sindh in 2013, Balochistan in 2014, and Punjab in 2016 (despite PTI leaders’ opposition to it). The momentum for women’s rights legislation was strong in the last decade and activists were able to table and push multiple laws to end gender-based violence and discrimination. In K-P, PTI acquiesced to the religious right-wingers who publicly claim such laws are a sign of western liberalism, which is in-line with Imran’s poor view of feminism. In 2016, the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) rejected a version of the K-P domestic violence bill; its chief publicly condoned light beating of a wife by her husband. In a climate where dialogue around protecting women from violence at home had already dealt a blow, in 2017, law-makers presented a compromised domestic violence bill, but that too failed to pass. Progress to protect women against sexual harassment at the workplace was slow in K-P. In 2012, Sindh became the first province to appoint a provincial ombudsperson mandated by the Federal statute – the Protection against Harassment of Women at the Workplace 2010. Yet, eight long years since the passage of the act, K-P has yet to appoint one. This is a legally qualified person who decides all appeals in sexual harassment cases and provides judicial-like oversight to potentially diverse and often irregular sexual harassment complaint processes conducted at schools, companies and other organisations. Under the Federal Act, such person, essential for the Act’s implementation, can be anyone qualified to be a High Court judge or with 20 years of experience in civil service, or an eminent educationist. In 2018, K-P amended the 2010 federal law; the change reduces the requirement to 15 years of experience in the civil service to be qualified as ombudsperson. If it was the definition that had stalled the appointment of an ombudsperson, the amended definition is not very different from the original. Maliha Husain, a prime advocate of the law and behind its implementation success, is hopeful that the new government will be quick to appoint one. Laws are important to recognise the menace of violence against women and girls. They pave the way for rights to not just be articulated, but also normalised; appointment of personnel and budgeting for the laws to be operational is important for these rights to be developed, mainstreamed and strengthened. One may critique the work of the Sindh sexual harassment ombudsman, but this critique is only possible because one was appointed – and we now have a substantial data on how the law was interpreted and how the state handled such complaints. With K-P, we start on a blank slate on sexual harassment, lying on the negative axis of domestic violence. However, a party cannot survive without women – in parliament or in the party echelons. On the parliamentary front, MPA Meraj Humayun (now with PTI) said,

“PTI-led government made measures to support and promote female parliamentarians but that they failed to create a conducive environment for women in the assembly and the secretariat.”

She said the government gave K-P a “solid women’s empowerment policy” but she also points out that,

“Seven bills drafted by the Women’s Parliamentary Caucus including those covering domestic violence, trafficking, home-based workers were not placed on the agenda despite repeated requests.”

A final draft of the empowerment policy does not seem to be available online. Compare this to the Punjab policy which was made readily available online and paved the way for women’ rights NGOS to voice and demand the benefits promised under it. Shad Begum, known for her work of empowering women of K-P towards political participation, says that PTI has done little for women at the grassroots, but they have engaged women at the party level. There was a very low allocation for women in the annual budget. This is unfortunate in a climate where rural (and urban) women are on the brink of poverty and need attention paid to their livelihoods, economic opportunities and resources. Even appointing women police officers has been a slow and stagnant work-in-progress. While PTI in K-P has had a feeble track record in protecting women against violence at home and the workplace – other laws also have an impact on women’s rights. Laws and schemes protecting health (such as the sehat sahulat card), education, child labour and forest rights, also impact women. Policies on crime and terrorism, madrassa reforms and funding also set the stage for promoting or crossing out women’s rights. The province of K-P has a strong tradition of grassroots activists who use systems and push laws, whether to enable labour benefits such as EOBI, push for district level women’s commissions, or implement changes in health policy. It is these ordinary people of K-P, one hopes, who will continue to push for real change, rather than accepting technocratic, diluted, or cosmetic changes from above. In 2013, I became familiar with the Forest Act of 2002 that envisions a role for forest community women in joint forest conservation and management. At the time, members of the forest community in Swat were asking for its implementation – which was weak – including forming committees and giving royalties. They questioned how extant laws can be put in the bin of history and new mechanisms such as the United Nations Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (UN REDD) can be adopted. The billion-street tsunami and its Rs12 billion budget, part of UN REDD, was such a venture. Shiny, exciting, and great for marketing, but indicative of a tendency to start from scratch and undo years worth of work on forest rights (and indirectly women’s rights). This makes poor case for governance, but no one will deny extra trees are a bonus. Building new schemes while relegating past work to oblivion sets us back; not making laws and systems work in key areas of gender-based violence sets us back. In K-P, PTI has to set matters right. Create an environment where anti-domestic violence legislation can be unchallenged by the right-wing and then enact a strong version of the bill. Appoint an ombudsperson to handle sexual harassment cases and put more women in the police force at all positions with powers to file FIRS. Empower all the bodies, commissions and departments needed to do the work of implementation. Allow female politicians to push a vibrant gender mandate, and the party itself will transform. But if it continues to sabotage or micro-manage them, then it will be much of the same K-P – lethargic and tardy on women’s rights.

While watching an episode of a popular drama ‘Gumrah’ with my mom, I realised our playwriters have created their own desi manic pixie dream girl. And even though I am not a regular drama viewer, I have watched this stereotype illustrated in one way or another in most drama serials (the recent one’s being ‘Gumrah’ and ‘Phir Wohi Mohabbat’) to consider this a problem.

Boy, does the public love her! She’s the fodder for more than half of the plays running on our channels. She lives in the fanciful imagination of young and old men (old more so) and sadly, the audience gobbles that trash up like dessert. Smart, educated, young women watch her and think she’s the ideal woman. And when these women watch theses manic pixie girls end up in their happily-ever-afters’ in play after play, that’s the women they then subconsciously aspire to become.

The term ‘manic pixie’ was coined by film critic Nathan Rabin in 2007 and has since then gained much currency, thanks to the brazen prevalence of this stereotype in literature, music, movies and the media in general. Though some movies like The Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind did (somewhat) try to question the stereotype, the manic pixie dream girl has had a constant presence in popular culture. Movies like 500 Days of Summer have depicted the stereotype and authors like John Green have portrayed the manic pixie multiple times (both of Green’s lead female characters Margo and Alaska illustrated the classic manic pixie dream girl depictions).

Re-watched ETERNAL SUNSHINE; realized it rejects notion of manic pixie dream girl even before @nathanrabin could coin it.

— Scott Renshaw (@scottrenshaw) August 19, 2016

john green is hailed and worshipped as a feminist but he writes all of his female characters as the same manic pixie messed up girl

— nerm from cheerz (@yosemitetoad) April 1, 2015

So who is this manic pixie dream girl? Who created her?

For the most part, she is a creation of desperate authors who cannot help but borrow the stereotype to support their fledgling plotlines. She is born due to the writers’ lack of original thought or their general proclivity towards relegating female characters solely as props for the pleasure, growth, support or happiness of the protagonist (who is a male, of course). The problem with the manic pixie is that this character is written from the male perspective, which usually conveniently divests female characters of any depth.

I'd pay any price to see a movie where a man leaves a manic pixie dream girl for an emotionally supportive adult woman with a good haircut.

— Jennifer Wright (@JenAshleyWright) June 11, 2017

The typical manic pixie dream girl has one purpose in life: to help the protagonist find himself, his purpose, his dreams or his goals. She has no opinion of her own and no goals of her own in life. Rabin himself defined her as:

“That bubbly, shallow cinematic creature that exists solely in the fevered imaginations of sensitive writer-directors to teach broodingly soulful young men to embrace life and its infinite mysteries and adventures.”

And so here goes the standard plotline. The protagonist is a serious and boring yet hardworking person – always minding his own business and leading a driven but lacklustre life. Out of the blue, this extremely beautiful (obviously), quirky, high-on-life creature enters his life. Drops coffee over him/bumps in him on an elevator, “accidentally” leaves her wallet in his office – imagine any situation from dozens of similar clichéd encounters we’re all so tired of.

She turns his life into this wonderful, colourful adventure where rainbows sprout out of everywhere, where his life makes sense and where he finally unveils the secrets of the universe. He is officially complete. And then pumped by the magic of it all, he achieves everything he has ever wanted: gets employee of the month, starts his own company, invents that new machine, achieves whatever had him stuck before he found “the one”, gets a degree from Harvard, wins the Nobel prize or goes to Mars – with his ever cheerful manic pixie jumping and clapping at the sidelines. Midway through such a plotline, I have usually killed both the hero and the girl in my mind over and over again.

So why should this bother us?

Because God gave us brains. Yes, us women too. And because this stereotype is degrading. It perpetuates the idea that women have to be those beautiful, bubbly and almost petty sidekicks of their men to fit the idea of womanhood that our society idolises. It states that our smart, serious, business-minded, career-focused, goal-oriented guys need a distraction after a tiring day of work and hence, the docile and shallow version of women is what our popular culture celebrates.

Just saw there's actually a CATEGORY on iTunes Movies called "Manic Pixie Dream Girls." Feeling a fleeting urge to blow up the entire world.

— Okkervil River (@okkervilriver) February 8, 2010

While being cheerful and supportive are no doubt great qualities, it is unfair that one gender is assigned only these as solely its defining qualities. For a change, we need plotlines where the woman drives the plot. Where what she wants or thinks or believes is also worth writing about, where she is smart and determined and hardworking and where she has goals that she achieves rather than just helping the hero save the day. While such plotlines do exist, they are not as prevalent or celebrated as the ones where the women merely support the heroes do the ‘big stuff’. And sadly, we all watch those with great interest.

Now the desi manic pixie dream girl is a sight to behold. She is two steps ahead of her western counterparts. She is also the dutiful bahu (daughter-in-law) that the mother-in-law brings home to fix her angry son. She’s the desi totka for all the desi problems. She is the Nutella jar that makes everything alright. She is the antidote to every dilemma. In fact, she’s every mother’s fall back plan.

Bollywood Manic Pixie Sapno-Ki-Rani:

Gives balloons to kids
Too naive for an adult
Laughs+cries excessively
Snuggles with street cat/dog
Has no job (or not a hard job)
Will dance anywhere
"HAINNN"/"AIWAEIN"
Desi AF
Gets angry but only over cute stuff, nothing critical god forbid

— Imaan Sheikh (@sheikhimaan) December 11, 2017

The son is dejected after failure? Oh, bring in the bahu.

The son is a crazy drug addict, bring in the bahu (she’s the desi rehabilitation centre).

The son is dying, bring in the bahu.

She is the fix-it that works faster than those five-minute Buzzfeed hacks. Oh and she has no life of her own. Wearing that laal jora (red bridal dress) and entering the grand big house of her sartaj (sovereign) is enough fulfilment and these are the only details the audience needs about her anyway.

For her, making a quirky comment that makes her husband laugh is enough achievement. The glass of milk that she gives her husband every morning completes her. More than half her camera shots take place in front of the dressing table (piled with cosmetics), with her fixing her lipstick while watching her hubby do ‘important’ stuff (reading newspaper or make business calls) or standing at the kitchen counter cutting bhindi (lady fingers).

That, my ladies, is the happily-ever-after our TV dramas portray for us. Sorry, no accolades for us. No goals for us. We should be happy the guy’s mom liked us in the first place (God forbid if she did not, for that would mean life has ended for all of us).

In movies: a Manic Pixie Dream Girl is a cute, quirky woman who “fixes” the male lead.

In life: a Manic Pixie Dream Guy is a whimsical narcissist who makes you feel like you’re lucky he decided to pay attention to you.

— The Powerpuff Squirrels (@Maggie4Beers) August 1, 2018

The good news is that there are actually plays that portray women as strong and independent beings who can stand their ground, with the recent dramas like Zan Mureed, Khamoshi and Ustani Ji depicting just that. The bad news is the manic pixie is not going anywhere anytime soon. Our men love her. Even some of our women love her. After all, she’s such an ego-booster for our men-folk.

What we can do though, right now, is to roll our eyes and change the channel when we see the stereotype being depicted. And to the guys: the manic pixie does not exist in real life, so stop expecting your wives to mutate into one. We have the same problems as you have, we have similar dreams, we also have our own goals in life and are definitely not your ticket to a more fulfilled life. We need to figure out our own lives – you go figure yours.

Back in April this year, I felt really low and sort of depressed, as I kept getting a strong urge to visit a new place, somewhere I’d never been before. I made my way to Google and found that Cambodia offers e-visas for Pakistani citizens. Thus, I ended up applying for a visa on a whim sometime in the evening, and found it waiting for me when I checked my inbox in the morning; the whole process taking only seven hours to complete. My wife and I took a connecting flight, which gave us a six-hour layover in Bangkok. Thankfully the airport in Bangkok is quite good, and you don’t get tired of waiting even as the hours pile on. From Bangkok, we took a Thai flight – Thai Smile, a budget airline by Thai Airways – to Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia. As we went to the gate to board our flight, two crew members approached us with smiling faces and courteously asked us for our details. I showed them our hotel bookings, visa, return tickets, as well as the funds we possessed. They took all our documents and returned after 15 minutes, apologising for the inconvenience. Apparently, we had to be enquired due to our nationality, as they had to send our details along to immigration in Cambodia. After an hour long flight, we arrived at the Phnom Penh airport. When the immigration officer saw our Pakistani passport, he referred us to a senior officer, who took our passports to a room and came out after 10 minutes to stamp them and allow us to enter the country. Sometimes it feels rather embarrassing and offensive to travel with a green passport. As our total journey had extended over 18 hours, we took a nap as soon as we reached our hotel. By the time we went outside, it was almost evening. Luckily, the Night Market, which is a flea market for tourists, was just a five-minute walk away from our hotel. We saw several garment, souvenir and handicraft shops, along with a great food court where we tried fresh sea food and other local Khmer delicacies. Cambodia was ruled by the Khmer Empire from the ninth century onwards, comprising of present day Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia. In the latter half of the 20^th century, Cambodia saw the emergence of the Khmer Rouge, a communist party that became responsible for the Cambodian genocide. We asked around and decided to visit the killing fields and S21 Prison for our first day of sightseeing; places converted into museums to commemorate the horrors of the regime. As you enter the fields, you can see a building resembling a large stupa, inside which there exist hundreds of skulls, bones, and the clothes of the people killed during the brutal Khmer Rouge regime. They have even segregated the remains on the basis of gender, age, and the way they were killed. It was really heart-wrenching to see remains of such horrors, as we also saw a place where they used to offload trucks full of prisoners who would then be executed in the most inhumane manner. There was a tree where they hanged a large loudspeaker to play loud music and speeches, which they used to suppress the screaming of the people being killed. On the right side of stupa, they have fenced an area where mass graves were later discovered, and a pond where the regime used to throw the bodies after killing them. We stayed at the fields for three hours, and only saw silent visitors with tears in their eyes. After the fields, we went to the S21 prison, which used to be a school but was transformed by the Khmer Rouge into a prison, and has now been turned into a museum. We saw tiny cells where prisoners were chained and torture rooms which were once class rooms. The modus operandi of the Khmer Rouge was to take photographs of dying prisoners after severely torturing them in order to spread fear amongst the people. There exist several accounts, but we were informed by our tour guide that almost 3 million innocent people lost their lives. For the next day, we were advised to visit a huge complex in which reside the Royal Palace and the Silver Pagoda. The Royal Palace, of course, is the residence of the King. We saw large green lawns, a few stupas of previous kings, a monastery, museums, as well as a new building being erected facing the riverside park so the king can address his people. A popular building inside the complex is the Silver Pagoda, and as the name suggests, the entire floor of the temple is made of pure silver. Our guide informed us that approximately 5,000 bricks of silver were used, with each weighing approximately one kilogram. There is a statue of Buddha, which is made of pure gold and decorated with a 25 karat diamond on his forehead. We also saw lotus flowers everywhere, in large vases and in ponds, as they are considered sacred in Buddhism. The next day we took a tour of Angkor Wat, a huge complex surrounded by manmade lakes. Once a home for crocodiles, legend dictates these lakes were made to prevent foreign aggression. Angkor Wat is so important to Khmer traditions that they have made it a symbol of Cambodia, also displaying it on its national flag. There are five towers of the main temple, and it took us around three to four hours to visit them all. The walls are beautifully engraved with Apsara, Hindu Gods, Buddhist scriptures, Sanskrit scriptures, lotus flowers and so on. Alarmingly, many statues were missing their heads, and we were told they were stolen by smugglers and thieves. Later on, we visited the Bayon Temple, which is popular for its architecture and gigantic smiling faces carved on towers. There are about 212 smiling faces on 53 towers, with four on each tower. Standing at the entrance feels like you’re on the movie set of Indiana Jones. Our final destination was Ta Prohm, which is undoubtedly a wonderful, picturesque site. It was built as a monastery in the 12^th century, but was abandoned after the fall of Khmer Empire, after which nature took its course. Huge roots belonging to large trees have covered almost all the buildings, destroying some of them. This temple is also famous for shooting purposes as Hollywood blockbuster Tomb Raider was shot here. We also went to Koh Rong Samleom, a beautiful yet peaceful island with little to no indigenous people; the only visible population is tourists and the staff of resorts. This island was like visiting heaven on earth! The amalgamation of white sands, clean beaches, and bars near shores is amazing, while sipping on chilled drinks in such an ambiance is a feeling that cannot be explained in words. Our 15 days visiting a new land seemingly passed by in the blink of an eye. While it made us sad to discover the horrific events lying in Cambodia’s past, we were lucky enough to see some awe-inspiring places and meet some really friendly people. Most importantly, the trip ended up scratching my itch to see a new place, as Cambodia ended up being unlike any other place I have travelled to, with such history. With enough memories to keep me going for a while, I will surely visit it again! All photos: Muhammad Ali Panhwar

The elections are over and debating whether they were engineered or not is unfortunately useless, as we are inevitably headed towards the oath-taking of the newly elected members of the Parliament. Pakistan Tehreek-e Insaf (PTI) will form coalition governments in the centre and in Punjab, and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) will be sitting in the opposition. PML-N has missed the chance to create history by defeating the powers that be. Shehbaz Sharif’s lacklustre electoral campaign and his inability to convince the voters with his narrative “khidmat ko vote do” (vote for those who served you) led to the demise of PML-N in Punjab. No one was expecting PML-N to win in these General Elections but had Shehbaz run an aggressive campaign based on the narrative of Nawaz Sharif and Maryam Nawaz, PML-N would have won around 80 seats instead of 64 in the National Assembly (NA). Shehbaz’s reluctance to adopt the narrative of Nawaz and Maryam left the voters confused. He failed to impress and motivate the neutral vote bank to vote for PML-N merely on the basis of his developmental projects in the province of Punjab. In fact, PML-N had already lost the General Elections and the hopes of getting 80 seats in the NA on July 13^th, when Shehbaz led the rally in Lahore to welcome Nawaz and Maryam but deliberately did not go to the airport. Shehbaz probably thought that by not going to the airport, he would find a soft spot in the establishment’s eyes and he would at least be awarded a little share of the cake in the form of a win from Punjab. However, Shehbaz’s assumptions and political calculations proved wrong and PML-N only managed to emerge as the single largest party in the province of Punjab, only six seats ahead of their rival PTI. Shehbaz’s reluctance to show solidarity with his own party ticket holders when they were threatened to give up the party ticket also remains a myth. He did not even bother to go to the constituency of Qamarul Islam Raja who was arrested by the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) and his election campaign was run by his teenage son. Moreover, Shehbaz did not run a massive election campaign, holding only 30 public gatherings, while his opponent Imran Khan addressed 64 public gatherings. Neglecting Rawalpindi, Jhelum, Kasur and other parts of central and northern Punjab proved costly for the Shehbaz-led PML-N. The other factor that dented the PML-N vote bank and tilted at least 13 NA seats in favour of PTI was Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP). Shehbaz never engaged TLP leaders in a dialogue to make seat adjustments or to convince them to take their candidate nominations back in favour of PML-N. It is very clear that TLP was launched to dent the PML-N vote bank and it has successfully done so. Had the Shehbaz-led PML-N tried to make some seat adjustments with them, results could have been entirely different. The tempo and the momentum set by Maryam and Nawaz before their arrest was totally lost as Shehbaz neither had the flair nor the ability to keep it going. His son Hamza Shehbaz also showed poor performance as he avoided holding huge public gatherings in the central and northern Punjab. Both Shehbaz and Hamza are not good orators and their inability to convey the composed and clear message to the neutral vote bank proved to be the major reason for the downfall of PML-N in Punjab. Nawaz’s narrative of “give respect to the vote” needed an aggressive leader and an excellent narrator hence, it would have been much better if the Sharif brothers had handed over the party presidency to either Shahid Khaqan Abbasi or Khawaja Asif. The outspoken leaders of PML-N like Pervaiz Rasheed, Mushahidullah Khan and Ayaz Sadiq were not only kept away from electoral campaigns, they were also not allowed considerable airtime on televisions screens to elaborate on the PML-N narrative. The immature and passive second-tier leadership like Musadik Malik, Miftah Ismail and others, were given the task to represent PML-N on the electronic media. They proved inefficient and lifeless during the campaigns and their lacklustre approach in the talk shows created the perception that PML-N is divided into two factions, one is with the Shehbaz narrative and the other is with the Nawaz and Maryam narrative. It was a deliberate move from the duo of Shehbaz and Hamza to present a soft face of PML-N and to keep Nawaz’s close aides away from the electoral campaign. Even after the results, Shehbaz’s efforts to win support in the Punjab Assembly to form a PML-N government, in order to make Hamza the next Chief Minister of Punjab, dented the ideology of PML-N. Shehbaz approaching Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q) and Chaudhry Nisar to support his party in Punjab has undermined the stance of Nawaz, who categorically told his supporters that he will not seek help from the turncoats and the parties who betrayed PML-N in the past. It seems Shehbaz has lost the plot completely and is still unable to decide about the future course of action for the PML-N. Hamza, in a bid to undermine Maryam, has also fallen astray to the party’s narrative. With Shehbaz and Hamza at the helm of affairs, it seems an almost impossible task for the PML-N to gather itself again and retain its very charged vote bank in Punjab. The PML-N vote bank is not happy with the results and they think that their ballot has been rigged. There is growing frustration and anger amongst the workers and even amongst the leadership, but Shehbaz is not yet ready to address their grievances. PML-N may have lost the General Elections but the party has won considerable support from the urban and rural middle-class youth but this youth cannot remain intact if Shehbaz and his son Hamza continue to seek a deal and try to appease the powerful elite. Nawaz’s stance has a populist approach and he has shunned the path of power politics as he still pins all his hopes on the masses, while Shehbaz is still seeking a deal to somehow emerge as a substitute for Imran, and wants to remain in the good books of those who control the power chess board. PML-N’s only hope of going forward and regaining the lost fort of Punjab lies on the narrative of Nawaz and Maryam. Shehbaz and Hamza seem totally unfit in the current political scenario. If PML-N wants to survive the tough times ahead, it needs an aggressive leader who would concentrate on gaining the public’s support rather than appeasing the forces that be, just like Nawaz. It can be said without a doubt that Maryam will lead the PML-N in the future but for the time being, Shehbaz and Hamza should pave the way for someone else to steer the sinking ship of PML-N before it’s too late.

The minorities living in Pakistan have perhaps been more adversely targeted since 9/11, with them being harshly exploited by the majority on the basis of their religion. Brutal incidents against the Christian community in Pakistan have gained international media attention, but politicians who made many promises in the past to work equally hard for minorities conveniently forgot about their promises once obtaining a seat in the parliament. Before Imran Khan turned towards politics with the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), there were many famous politicians who made their party manifestoes in favour of the minority, just to grasp their attention and their vote. They pandered to us, but they ignored the role played by the Christian community in the development of Pakistan. We, the Christian youth of Pakistan, are fully aware of the game the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) has played in the past to obtain the maximum votes from our areas. This is not to rant against the PML-N or favour PTI; the only true endgame is seeing new and educated people in the parliament, which is a dire need to safeguard the rights of Pakistan’s minorities. In simple words, Pakistan’s minorities no longer want to try what we have already tested and what has repeatedly failed. The leadership of all political parties must keep in mind the wish of our beloved founding father. Quaid’s Pakistan is a land where the state has no link with a person’s faith, and where people are free from oppression and enjoy their religious rights. After all, have we forgotten what Muhammad Ali Jinnah said in his famous August 11^th speech?

“You are free; you are free to go to your temples. You are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion, caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the state. We are starting in the days where there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle: that we are all citizens, and equal citizens, of one State.”

The ruling parties must thus select new and educated faces from minority groups; people who are determined and serious about the development of their communities, and not just their own family’s progression. No one can deny the existence of pressure groups, which restrict and prevent those who try to work for the betterment of minorities in this country and create unbreakable hurdles to keep them silent and helpless. In many cases, perhaps due to lack of unity, jealousy or fear among leaders, even those who have some power to help minorities refuse to do so, saying,

“We are not elected by your votes, but selected by our party leaders.”

Thus they prefer to work only for the sake of their parties, instead of resolving the problems faced by the minorities. So how can one build a new home using old bricks? Minorities today need strong voices in the legislature instead of voiceless ‘yes-men’ making a sham out of our democracy. We require bold and strong spokespersons that bring change keeping in mind bringing religious minorities into the mainstream, and this is where Imran fits best. Imran believes we must ensure our minorities feel safe and are equally empowered as compared to the majority Muslim populace. The PTI also believes in a clear-cut ‘peace within, peace without’ policy, as stated by the Quaid himself. Although Imran’s stance on certain matters may make us worry about being a minority, on the other hand, his party’s stance is that everyone will be treated equally under the eye of law, which makes me and others like me feel secure. And given that Imran’s first wife belonged to a minority group as well, offers a clear picture of how he feels about the equality of human beings, irrespective of their faith. I am neither a fan of Imran’s looks nor his cricket, which my generation in particular is not familiar with. I simply support Imran because of the honesty with which he has made the promises he makes during his speeches and his rallies. Especially during his visit to Youhanabad this year, where he addressed the Christian community and said that minorities will get equal rights when PTI comes into power. Shehbaz Sharif ruled Lahore for around 10 years – he must by now be familiar with the condition of Christians in Youhanabad. Yet he never bothered to visit the area. Imran is the only national leader after the Quaid himself who has visited the Christians of Youhanabad and addressed the problems of its people. PTI also became the first party in Pakistan to reserve a seat to represent the Kalash community. This shows Imran is committed to bringing people from all across the country into its assemblies. Moreover, during their previous tenure in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (K-P), PTI not only allotted scholarships for minority students, but also put a ban on the sale and purchase of properties belonging to the church. In one of the last jalsas of his election campaign at Walton Road, Lahore, Imran directly addressed the Christians of Pakistan and reminded them that his leader is Jinnah, and like him he is in favour of equal rights for minorities. Initiatives and actions such as these are what draw minority groups towards Imran and his PTI. As a Christian, I am aware there is a history of broken promises when it comes to almost every Pakistani leader, as they use shallow campaign slogans which have only darkened the corridor and limited the path of opportunities for minority groups. But we are confident that this time the outcome will be different, and we choose to put our trust in Imran to deliver on the promises he has made. I am using the term ‘we’ because I believe I am speaking for many like me who spent the first vote of their life on Imran. Overall, it seems as if things are improving for minorities in Pakistan, if only on the surface. There exists a political awareness today that didn’t exist earlier; so much so that people are celebrating the election of three Hindu candidates elected from Muslim majority areas on general seats in Sindh, with all three belonging to the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Krishna Kohli, a Thari woman from a remote village of Sindh, was also elected as a Senator on PPP’s ticket. All this shows that new leadership is considering the rights and representation of Pakistan’s minorities. For us, it has felt as if every decade is worse than the last, with respect to the conditions of Pakistan’s minorities. False allegations of blasphemy against Christians alone have become common overtime. But today we have a lot of hope that Imran will not only truly address the issues we face, but also practically make Pakistan a better state for minorities, creating Jinnah’s Pakistan where we can learn to live together in peace again.

Fanney Khan is a remake of the 2002 Belgian film Everybody’s Famous, and is the story of a father who leaves no stone unturned when it comes to fulfilling his daughter’s dreams. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uxLR6529mdw Prashant Sharma aka Fanney Khan, played by Anil Kapoor, is an orchestra singer who was famous in the 90s, but now in his 50s he drives a taxi for a living. He dreams of making his talented daughter Lata Sharma (Pihu Sand) a huge singing sensation, and is willing to do anything to help her attain the stardom he couldn’t achieve for himself. Although Lata does not have the ideal body type to easily become a pop diva – an obvious obstruction in the way of her goal – Fanney does not let despair undermine this dream and is unaffected by what people say. Thus, Fanney and his friend Adhir (Rajkummar Rao) kidnap Baby Singh, a popular singer played by Aishwarya Rai Bachchan, and what follows shows the astonishing lengths Fanney is willing to go for his daughter. As a parallel narrative, we see Adhir and Baby’s love story stemming out from a Stockholm syndrome type situation. Lata is talented, but at the same has a realistic approach, unlike her father. She is pragmatic, and thinks stardom is not just based upon sheer talent but requires a full package, where a star needs to be appealing to eyes and not just the ears. For her, Baby is the template for a star, as Baby is not only an amazing singer but is equally beautiful, glamorous and a style diva. The film aptly mirrors the established notions regarding stardom and success in show business, but the way it unfurls makes it seem like a lazy version of the original film. It fails to capture the ‘dark comedy’ essence of its inspiration. The narrative is out of tune, the story is lacklustre, and the treatment of the film itself is convoluted. Hence, the willingness to remain suspended in disbelief is highly essential to derive pleasure from the inconsistent arc in the plot. Certain portions of the film are stretched out and slapdash, but Kapoor’s acting and his unbelievable endeavours for his daughter along with the overall emotional tides of the film are engaging enough to keep the audience enchanted. Despite the film’s irrationality and illogical storyline, it abounds as a typical Bollywood escapist film that delivers hard-hitting moments of fun and intense emotions. Heartstrings are surely pulled, particularly when the film gains momentum towards the climax. Kapoor is brilliant as Fanney, as he provokes empathy in the audience despite the burden he places on his daughter to fulfil his dreams. There is integrity in Kapoor’s acting and character, and he is believable as a parent who will go to extreme lengths for his child, especially as his daughter deals with her own struggles. Embroiled in the expectations of her father, her weight, and the constant shaming and discouragement from those around her, Lata can come across as an annoying teenager at times, who is habitually rude towards her father. Although Lata’s character seems shabbily written, Sand has authentically portrayed the role and makes the audience genuinely empathise with her character as she is shamed for her body and underappreciated for her talent. The fantastic Divya Dutt is plausible as Lata’s caring and loving mother and Fanney’s affectionate wife. She justifies her role as the voice of reason and of a mother who is protective of her daughter because she is scared of the compromises that hurdle the path of stardom, while also believing that becoming a star is not everything that matters in life. Although the incredibly talented Rao is largely underutilised, however, his character’s helplessness with his new girlfriend, his comical moments, his heartfelt camaraderie with Fanney as well as his fascination with Baby make his presence felt on screen. What makes Fanney and Adhir loveable is their innocence and good-heartedness, even when they take the criminal route and engage in vain attempts to scare Baby. Bachchan is among the weakest links in the film, as she does nothing more than looking beautiful. Her character does not have much to offer, and Bachchan also fails to exude the vibrancy one would expect from a star like Baby, which would surely have given her an edge. Fanney Khan is Atul Manjrekar’s directorial debut, and he could have done better. He clearly loses hold as far as the continuation of scenes and the plot in general is concerned. Amit Trivedi’s soundtrack is also a clear disappointment, as ironically no song is catchy enough or worth-listening to in a movie about music. The film rides on the enduring power of love, sacrifice, struggle, optimism and firm belief in one’s dreams. The sound lesson resonates well with the people that no matter what the hardships and obstacles are, one should never give up on their dreams. The most important message the film delivers is that talent is what gets you across; one’s physical appearance has nothing to do with achieving one’s dreams. As long as you have faith in yourself, you have what it takes to succeed. By the time the film ends, it seems more like a fairy-tale that is rooted not only in unrealism but in a highly concentrated melodrama as well. However, because of the overindulgence of emotions, certain impactful scenes and the endearing honesty of a father’s love, the film definitely has the ability to entertain masses. All photos: Screenshots

It was in October 2015, after the release of Godzilla (2014), when Legendary Entertainment announced its plan to create a shared universe franchise which will feature famous monsters like Godzilla, King Kong, King Ghidorah, Mothra and Rodan. The universe, which was titled MonsterVerse, has had two main entries until now, namely Godzilla (2014) and Kong: Skull Island (2017). The trailer for the next entry, Godzilla: King of the Monsters, was released at the San Diego Comic Con. The trailer starts off with Millie Bobby Brown (Stranger Things) standing on a roof top when a catastrophic event takes place. [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="600"] Photo: Screenshot[/caption] The trailer then starts showing off and teasing the many giant monsters the movie features, while Dr Emma Russell, played by Vera Farmiga (The Conjuring, Bates Motel), warns us about the end of the world. During an address being aired on TV, she says,

“Unless all the titans are found, our planet will perish, and so will we.”

[caption id="" align="alignnone" width="600"]

Photo: Warner Bros[/caption] The titans being the monsters that have been in hibernation, but will have to return in order to save planet Earth. The important question to ask here is: how do giant monsters that are usually the reason behind human extinction actually play a part in saving all of humanity? I guess we will have to wait for the movie to release to get the answer to this question. The trailer gives us our first glimpse of Mothra. We also get to see and hear Godzilla, while only getting an unclear look at his ultimate rival, King Ghidorah, who spreads his wings in a huge cloud of smoke. [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="480"]

Photo: Giphy[/caption] The trailer looks spectacular and more visually pleasing than the previous instalments of the MonsterVerse. The movie looks more similar to the dark toned Godzilla (2014) than the lighter and more fun Kong: Skull Island. But hopefully Godzilla: King of the Monsters will allow Godzilla to have more screen time than it got in the prequel. In the 2014 offering, Godzilla, the titular character, only had eight minutes of screen time, which is 6.5% of the total runtime of the movie. Yes, you read that right! Just 6.5%! [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="480"]

Photo: Giphy[/caption] The movie also stars Kyle Chandler (King Kong, Friday Night Lights), Charles Dance (Game of Thrones) and Thomas Middleditch (Silicon Valley). The reason why I am so excited to watch this flick is that we get to see Godzilla take on King Ghidorah the way it was meant to be. No stuntmen wearing rubber suits and fighting in a childish manner, while surrounded by props that double as buildings. State of the art computer wizardry will be put into play to make sure we get the face off we all deserve. Also, Godzilla: King of the Monsters will directly tie into King Kong Vs Godzilla, which will release in 2020, and this only furthers my excitement. [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="600"]

Photo: IMDb[/caption] The MonsterVerse is two movies old and although that isn’t much, it hasn’t disappointed the audience yet, and I am sure it won’t happen in the near future as well. With a talented cast, mythical and world-renowned monsters and mesmerising visuals, Godzilla: King of the Monsters will surely prove itself to be the king at the box office. [caption id="" align="alignnone" width="600"]

Photo: Screenshot[/caption] The movie releases on May 31, 2019.

From Zahid to Bubbly

How did the ECP manage to mess up the elections?

The desire for change: A new Pakistan does not mean a better Pakistan

Can Shazam! do for DC what Iron Man did for Marvel?

Can Imran Khan fix 71 years of failed talks, bloodshed and hatred?

MS Dhoni – an era on his own

Home Fire: A Muslim love story for the modern world

India’s problem isn’t Imran Khan, but its own media

Naya Pakistan, purana Balochistan

King of the north: Why K-P made history by re-electing PTI

Can its ‘silly’ story help Aquaman swim its way to the top?

Et tu, PML-Q?: It is time for the tractor to choose who gets its harvest – the bat or the lion?

If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it: If you think Wasim Akram should replace Najam Sethi, think again!

In the midst of all the tabdeeli in K-P, did Imran Khan forget about its women?

The desi manic pixie: The totka for our men’s failures

My wanderlust took me to Cambodia, the museum of horrors and mass graves

PML-N and the lost fort of Punjab: Why Shehbaz can never be Nawaz

Jinnah’s Pakistan: Why Christians voted for Imran Khan

Inspiring and endearing, Fanney Khan fights body-shaming with a father’s love

Move over Avengers! ‘Godzilla: King of the Monsters’ will make you root for the “villains” to save the planet!